Ontario, Ottawa talk immigration again (Canada.com)
www.canadaone.org - quebec immigration: "TORONTO -- Ontario and Ottawa are talking about a new immigration deal after months of silence. Federal Immigration Minister Joe Volpe and his provincial counterpart Marie Bountrogianni finally connected last night over the telephone."
Wednesday, May 04, 2005
Canada's emerging skills shortage: aging is not the only reason Community Action, Sept 20, 2004
OTTAWA -- The aging of Canada\'s population is not the only reason for Canada\'s emerging skills shortage, a Canadian Policy and Research Networks report argues. Canadian policy makers and employers need to view future skill shortages in the labour force as a challenge, instead of as a \"looming crisis\" by being much more age-oriented in their decision making and engaging in good, planning.
In their study, Labour Force Ageing and Skills Shortages in Canada and Ontario, Julie Anne McMullin, Martin Cooke and Rob Downie conclude that although skill shortages will likely emerge in specific industries, occupations and locations in Canada and Ontario. The report contrasts the labour force issues into two occupational groups--nursing and information technology.
Nursing, for instance, risks potential labour shortages for reasons not only related to retirement but also related to the nature of the work involving long hours, difficult working conditions and irregular shifts. Those conditions may also lead nurses to opt for early retirement, but the shortage may be further exacerbated by the length of training to become a nurse and competition from other jurisdictions for Ontario nurses.
In contrast the information technology sector, which is a much younger industry with younger workers, faces little threat of employee shortages due to retirement, but its young age structure may \"indicate potential problems for IT films hoping to recruit in an older labour market.\" Other factors affecting a possible skill shortage in the IT sector also include geographic mobility of work and people ready to emigrate.
The authors include these recommendations for policy action are:
* use immigration policies to target skills in short supply,
* encourage higher rates of labour force participation among groups who are underrepresented in the labour force, such as Aboriginal people and single mothers, and
* promote phased-in retirement and flexibility workplace policies to encourage the participation of older workers.
COPYRIGHT 2004 Community Action Publishers
Source: http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m0LVZ/is_2_20/ai_n6330614
OTTAWA -- The aging of Canada\'s population is not the only reason for Canada\'s emerging skills shortage, a Canadian Policy and Research Networks report argues. Canadian policy makers and employers need to view future skill shortages in the labour force as a challenge, instead of as a \"looming crisis\" by being much more age-oriented in their decision making and engaging in good, planning.
In their study, Labour Force Ageing and Skills Shortages in Canada and Ontario, Julie Anne McMullin, Martin Cooke and Rob Downie conclude that although skill shortages will likely emerge in specific industries, occupations and locations in Canada and Ontario. The report contrasts the labour force issues into two occupational groups--nursing and information technology.
Nursing, for instance, risks potential labour shortages for reasons not only related to retirement but also related to the nature of the work involving long hours, difficult working conditions and irregular shifts. Those conditions may also lead nurses to opt for early retirement, but the shortage may be further exacerbated by the length of training to become a nurse and competition from other jurisdictions for Ontario nurses.
In contrast the information technology sector, which is a much younger industry with younger workers, faces little threat of employee shortages due to retirement, but its young age structure may \"indicate potential problems for IT films hoping to recruit in an older labour market.\" Other factors affecting a possible skill shortage in the IT sector also include geographic mobility of work and people ready to emigrate.
The authors include these recommendations for policy action are:
* use immigration policies to target skills in short supply,
* encourage higher rates of labour force participation among groups who are underrepresented in the labour force, such as Aboriginal people and single mothers, and
* promote phased-in retirement and flexibility workplace policies to encourage the participation of older workers.
COPYRIGHT 2004 Community Action Publishers
Source: http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m0LVZ/is_2_20/ai_n6330614
INSTITUTIONAL FEATURES OF IMMIGRANT ABSORPTION-ISRAEL AND CANADA
In this study we adopt an institutional approach to the study of immigrant integration. We aim to explain differences between immigrants residing in Canada and Israel with respect to labor market participation and attainment in terms of the institutionally relevant characteristics of the two societies (see Tilly, 1994; Reitz, 1998). This is not to say that we disregard the attributes of the immigrants themselves. Rather, by focusing on immigrants from one origin we eliminate much of the social and cultural variation associated with international migration, and we highlight the way in which such individual attributes as gender, age and human capital of immigrants interact with the particular institutional arrangement in each of the two societies.
Richard A. Wanner University of Calgary
Copyright Center for Migration Studies Summer 2003
Source: http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qa3668/is_200307/ai_n9260151
In this study we adopt an institutional approach to the study of immigrant integration. We aim to explain differences between immigrants residing in Canada and Israel with respect to labor market participation and attainment in terms of the institutionally relevant characteristics of the two societies (see Tilly, 1994; Reitz, 1998). This is not to say that we disregard the attributes of the immigrants themselves. Rather, by focusing on immigrants from one origin we eliminate much of the social and cultural variation associated with international migration, and we highlight the way in which such individual attributes as gender, age and human capital of immigrants interact with the particular institutional arrangement in each of the two societies.
Richard A. Wanner University of Calgary
Copyright Center for Migration Studies Summer 2003
Source: http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qa3668/is_200307/ai_n9260151
EMIGRATION FROM THE FORMER USSR - HISTORICAL REVIEW
Emigration from the USSR was restricted throughout the period of communist rule. Hesitant steps towards opening of the Soviet borders to those who desired to repatriate (mostly Jews and Germans) or reunite with families living abroad were taken in the 1970s.2 In recent decades, three waves of Jewish emigration from the USSR can be distinguished (Gitelman, 1997). The first wave (about 100,000 people) left the USSR between 1971-1974 and headed almost exclusively to Israel. These were immigrants from the Georgian Soviet Republic, where the Jews had preserved their ethnic and religious traditionalism, and from the Baltic republics and eastern Poland, the regions where Jews were less assimilated and more committed to Jewish memories, Yiddish culture and Zionism.
The second wave of emigration (between 1975 and 1989) originated mostly from the Slavic part of the USSR, where Jews were assimilated and acculturated and generally cut off from Jewish culture. During this period, Jewish emigration was characterized by a gradual decline in the importance of Zionist motivation (Salitan, 1997). According to Gitelman (1997), 68.6 percent of emigrants who possessed Israeli visas did not settle in Israel, but proceeded mostly to the United States. However, in October 1989 the United States announced a change in its policy, introducing a quota for Soviet immigrants. The effect of this was immediate and started the third wave of exodus of Soviet Jews. It is this most recent wave of migration that is at the center of the present study.
Between 1989 and 1995, over one million Jews left the FSU. It is estimated that two of every three Jewish emigrants reached Israel, although in the three-year period from January 1992 to December 1994, the number of immigrants to Israel and to other destinations was about equal (Dominitz, 1997). At this time, the USSR began granting exit permission not only to Jews, but to German ethnics, Armenians and Pentecostals as well. The major-ity of emigrants were pushed from their birthplace by economic deterioration and prolonged political crisis in most of the republics of the FSU, as well as growing ethnic cleavage and sporadic but more virulent displays of anti-Semitism. The emigration of Jews at this time was facilitated by contacts they had with relatives and friends already residing in Israel. Economic collapse, unemployment, poverty, crime, and the disastrous state of public health care and other support systems pushed Slavs and other nationals, who otherwise would not have considered emigration as an option, to the same response (Aron, 1991). They swelled the ranks of those leaving the FSU in the quest for better fortunes in North American and West European countries.
During the period from 1990 to 1994 (roughly corresponding to the period under study), Israel received an annual average of 121,900 immigrants, practically all of whom came from the FSU. The annual average intake in Canada was 211,900 immigrants (DellaPergola, 1998). Relatively few immigrants, however, were from the FSU, possibly as a result of the peculiarities of its immigration criteria and perhaps the scarcity or absence of social networks of Russian immigrants there. When the size of the absorbing population is taken into account, the annual rate of immigration was 23.7 per 1,000 population in Israel against 7.6 per 1,000 population in Canada. Indeed, the immigration ratio in Israel during these years was greater than that of any other immigrant receiving society.
Source: http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qa3668/is_200307/ai_n9260151
Emigration from the USSR was restricted throughout the period of communist rule. Hesitant steps towards opening of the Soviet borders to those who desired to repatriate (mostly Jews and Germans) or reunite with families living abroad were taken in the 1970s.2 In recent decades, three waves of Jewish emigration from the USSR can be distinguished (Gitelman, 1997). The first wave (about 100,000 people) left the USSR between 1971-1974 and headed almost exclusively to Israel. These were immigrants from the Georgian Soviet Republic, where the Jews had preserved their ethnic and religious traditionalism, and from the Baltic republics and eastern Poland, the regions where Jews were less assimilated and more committed to Jewish memories, Yiddish culture and Zionism.
The second wave of emigration (between 1975 and 1989) originated mostly from the Slavic part of the USSR, where Jews were assimilated and acculturated and generally cut off from Jewish culture. During this period, Jewish emigration was characterized by a gradual decline in the importance of Zionist motivation (Salitan, 1997). According to Gitelman (1997), 68.6 percent of emigrants who possessed Israeli visas did not settle in Israel, but proceeded mostly to the United States. However, in October 1989 the United States announced a change in its policy, introducing a quota for Soviet immigrants. The effect of this was immediate and started the third wave of exodus of Soviet Jews. It is this most recent wave of migration that is at the center of the present study.
Between 1989 and 1995, over one million Jews left the FSU. It is estimated that two of every three Jewish emigrants reached Israel, although in the three-year period from January 1992 to December 1994, the number of immigrants to Israel and to other destinations was about equal (Dominitz, 1997). At this time, the USSR began granting exit permission not only to Jews, but to German ethnics, Armenians and Pentecostals as well. The major-ity of emigrants were pushed from their birthplace by economic deterioration and prolonged political crisis in most of the republics of the FSU, as well as growing ethnic cleavage and sporadic but more virulent displays of anti-Semitism. The emigration of Jews at this time was facilitated by contacts they had with relatives and friends already residing in Israel. Economic collapse, unemployment, poverty, crime, and the disastrous state of public health care and other support systems pushed Slavs and other nationals, who otherwise would not have considered emigration as an option, to the same response (Aron, 1991). They swelled the ranks of those leaving the FSU in the quest for better fortunes in North American and West European countries.
During the period from 1990 to 1994 (roughly corresponding to the period under study), Israel received an annual average of 121,900 immigrants, practically all of whom came from the FSU. The annual average intake in Canada was 211,900 immigrants (DellaPergola, 1998). Relatively few immigrants, however, were from the FSU, possibly as a result of the peculiarities of its immigration criteria and perhaps the scarcity or absence of social networks of Russian immigrants there. When the size of the absorbing population is taken into account, the annual rate of immigration was 23.7 per 1,000 population in Israel against 7.6 per 1,000 population in Canada. Indeed, the immigration ratio in Israel during these years was greater than that of any other immigrant receiving society.
Source: http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qa3668/is_200307/ai_n9260151
International Migration Review
Institutional structure and immigrant integration: A comparative study of immigrants\' labor market attainment in Canada and Israel
International Migration Review, The, Summer 2003 by Lewin-Epstein, Noah, Semyonov, Moshe, Kogan, Irena, Wanner, Richard A
The present study focuses on the incorporation of immigrants from the former Soviet Union in two receiving societies, Israel and Canada, during the first half of the 1990s. Both countries conducted national censuses in 1995 (Israel) and 1996 (Canada), making it possible to identify a large enough sample of immigrants and provide information on their demographic characteristics and their labor market activity. While both Canada and Israel are immigrant societies, their institutional contexts of immigrant reception differ considerably. Israel maintains no economic selection of the Jewish immigrants and provides substantial support for newcomers, who are viewed as a returning Diaspora. Canada employs multiple criteria for selecting immigrants, and the immigrants\' social and economic incorporation is patterned primarily by market forces. The analysis first examines the characteristics of immigrants who arrived in the two countries and evaluates the extent of selectivity. Consistent with our hypotheses, Russian immigrants to Canada were more immediately suitable for the labor market, but experienced greater difficulty finding and maintaining employment. Nevertheless, immigrants to Canada attained higher-status occupations and higher earnings than their com-patriots in Israel did, although the Israeli labor market was more likely to reward their investments in education.
Sociological theory and research on international migration has focused primarily on the social and economic incorporation of immigrants into the host society. Over the years several theoretical models of incorporation have been proposed, including \"succession,\" \"queuing,\" \"segmented labor markets\" and \"ethnic group specific\" models (see Lieberson, 1980; Reitz, 1998; Poston, 1994; Carliner, 1980; Massey et al., 1993). In line with these models, most empirical research in this area examined the labor market attainment of immigrants in comparison with the native-born population. The central conclusions of this body of research can be summarized as follows: 1) immigrants are regularly at a disadvantage upon arrival in the host society (Chiswick, 1979; Semyonov, 1997); 2) human capital resources and period of migration affect immigrants\' rate of economic assimilation (Bloom and Gunderson, 1990; Borjas, 1993a); 3) immigrants who are more similar to the majority in the host society tend to assimilate economically more rapidly than those who are less similar (Wanner, 1998); 4) with few exceptions, the socioeconomic position of immigrants steadily improves with the passage of time in the host society and, as a rule, reaches the levels of similarly endowed native born after fifteen to twenty years in the host society (Chiswick, 1979; Semyonov, 1997).
Many studies on immigrant assimilation have compared the economic attainment of different immigrant groups in the same receiving society. Relatively few studies, however, have undertaken a comparative analysis of immigrants from a single point of origin who reached various destinations (for some notable exceptions see Model and Ladipo, 1996; Model et al., 1999; Inbar and Adler, 1977). The advantage of such studies is that by focusing on one relatively homogeneous group of immigrants, they permit a systematic examination of those structural and institutional characteristics of receiving societies that affect the attainment of immigrants. The present study aims to contribute to this important body of research by examining the socioeconomic attainment of recent immigrants from the Former Soviet Union (FSU) in two receiving societies.
Recent immigration from the FSU is interesting for both substantive and analytical reasons. Throughout most of the communist period, emigration from the USSR was restricted, and, except in certain unusual circumstances, Soviet citizens were not permitted to leave. The dramatic political changes in the late 1980s affected emigration as well as many other spheres of life; well over 2 million persons have left the FSU since 1989. The overwhelming majority of these emigrants settled in one of four destinations: Israel, the United States, Germany and Canada. These migration patterns provide an opportunity to study both systemic and individual attributes associated with the incorporation of immigrants and their socioeconomic attainment. The empirical analysis focuses on two receiving societies, Canada and Israel.
Source: http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qa3668/is_200307/ai_n9260151
Institutional structure and immigrant integration: A comparative study of immigrants\' labor market attainment in Canada and Israel
International Migration Review, The, Summer 2003 by Lewin-Epstein, Noah, Semyonov, Moshe, Kogan, Irena, Wanner, Richard A
The present study focuses on the incorporation of immigrants from the former Soviet Union in two receiving societies, Israel and Canada, during the first half of the 1990s. Both countries conducted national censuses in 1995 (Israel) and 1996 (Canada), making it possible to identify a large enough sample of immigrants and provide information on their demographic characteristics and their labor market activity. While both Canada and Israel are immigrant societies, their institutional contexts of immigrant reception differ considerably. Israel maintains no economic selection of the Jewish immigrants and provides substantial support for newcomers, who are viewed as a returning Diaspora. Canada employs multiple criteria for selecting immigrants, and the immigrants\' social and economic incorporation is patterned primarily by market forces. The analysis first examines the characteristics of immigrants who arrived in the two countries and evaluates the extent of selectivity. Consistent with our hypotheses, Russian immigrants to Canada were more immediately suitable for the labor market, but experienced greater difficulty finding and maintaining employment. Nevertheless, immigrants to Canada attained higher-status occupations and higher earnings than their com-patriots in Israel did, although the Israeli labor market was more likely to reward their investments in education.
Sociological theory and research on international migration has focused primarily on the social and economic incorporation of immigrants into the host society. Over the years several theoretical models of incorporation have been proposed, including \"succession,\" \"queuing,\" \"segmented labor markets\" and \"ethnic group specific\" models (see Lieberson, 1980; Reitz, 1998; Poston, 1994; Carliner, 1980; Massey et al., 1993). In line with these models, most empirical research in this area examined the labor market attainment of immigrants in comparison with the native-born population. The central conclusions of this body of research can be summarized as follows: 1) immigrants are regularly at a disadvantage upon arrival in the host society (Chiswick, 1979; Semyonov, 1997); 2) human capital resources and period of migration affect immigrants\' rate of economic assimilation (Bloom and Gunderson, 1990; Borjas, 1993a); 3) immigrants who are more similar to the majority in the host society tend to assimilate economically more rapidly than those who are less similar (Wanner, 1998); 4) with few exceptions, the socioeconomic position of immigrants steadily improves with the passage of time in the host society and, as a rule, reaches the levels of similarly endowed native born after fifteen to twenty years in the host society (Chiswick, 1979; Semyonov, 1997).
Many studies on immigrant assimilation have compared the economic attainment of different immigrant groups in the same receiving society. Relatively few studies, however, have undertaken a comparative analysis of immigrants from a single point of origin who reached various destinations (for some notable exceptions see Model and Ladipo, 1996; Model et al., 1999; Inbar and Adler, 1977). The advantage of such studies is that by focusing on one relatively homogeneous group of immigrants, they permit a systematic examination of those structural and institutional characteristics of receiving societies that affect the attainment of immigrants. The present study aims to contribute to this important body of research by examining the socioeconomic attainment of recent immigrants from the Former Soviet Union (FSU) in two receiving societies.
Recent immigration from the FSU is interesting for both substantive and analytical reasons. Throughout most of the communist period, emigration from the USSR was restricted, and, except in certain unusual circumstances, Soviet citizens were not permitted to leave. The dramatic political changes in the late 1980s affected emigration as well as many other spheres of life; well over 2 million persons have left the FSU since 1989. The overwhelming majority of these emigrants settled in one of four destinations: Israel, the United States, Germany and Canada. These migration patterns provide an opportunity to study both systemic and individual attributes associated with the incorporation of immigrants and their socioeconomic attainment. The empirical analysis focuses on two receiving societies, Canada and Israel.
Source: http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qa3668/is_200307/ai_n9260151
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